Rohingya refugees

The story of the Rohingya in Myanmar is a bleak one, a people blighted by harsh forms of civil, political, economic and social discrimination. The government of Myanmar has always contended that the Rohingya are illegal migrants who crossed the border fromBangladesh into the western state of Rakhine after Myanmar’s independence in 1948. Successive governments have repeatedly waged campaigns (in the 1960s, 1978, 1991 and 2017) to remove the Rohingya through expulsion and ethnic cleansing. Hundreds of thousands fled to Bangladesh during these episodes.

The campaign to eliminate them from the physical landscape has a normative dimension. The 1982 Citizenship Act excluded the Rohingya from citizenship, rendering them stateless and transforming them into non-entities in civil, political and economic terms. The Rohingya have been systematically subjected to restrictions on marriage, domestic travel and observation of religious ceremonies. They are denied education, employment, and theright to own property. These restrictions, coupled with human rights abuses meted out by the military, have exacerbated their chronic poverty, compelling many to leave. 

Out of an estimated total of two million in 2009, approximately 900,000 linger in squalid and wretched refugee camps in Bangladesh. An estimated half a million live in the Middle East as migrant workers, and about 100,000 have found their way to Malaysia. There are no accurate figures for Thailand. The difficulty in obtaining precise figures is due largely to the fact that they enter Thailand clandestinely en route to Malaysia. 

The issues surrounding citizenship, recognition of the Rohingya as a national race remain unresolved because their resolution would require the reconfiguration of national identity and politics. 

Traffickers, cybergangs and paedophiles: a genuine threat or a fuzzy narrative surrounding displaced Rohingya?

A new narrative has emerged describing how criminal gangs and traffickers are taking advantage of the chaos and poverty during flight and in Bangladesh’s refugee camps to traffic Rohingya women and children for sexual and labour exploitation. We identify the attributes of this latest narrative, its origins, and its implications for public and international policy. We ask the following questions. What is the nature of the threat that trafficking poses to displaced Rohingya? How many cases of trafficking have occurred and what are the circumstances surrounding these cases? Should we be concerned about the scale of this phenomenon?

Food Assistance and the Social Construction of Rohingya Refugees in Bangladesh

Taking food assistance as its starting point, this article examines the underlying system of ideas that the Bangladeshi government and humanitarian organizations have about the term ‘refugee’. Through a consideration of refugee coping strategies, host government responses and humanitarian organizations’ operations on food assistance, I show that the provision of food aid is not just an apolitical act of assistance but also one which is embedded in relations of power that are continually (re)produced through laws, practice and discourse. In the conclusion, I offer some thoughts on the social construction of the term ‘refugee’ and its implications for the lives of refugees in Bangladesh.

Caught between a crocodile and a snake, some Rohingya refugees choose the deep blue sea

In the refugee camps in Bangladesh, there is a common saying that the choice between living in Myanmar or fleeing to refugee camps in Bangladesh is akin to that between a crocodile and a snake. Almost 900 000 Rohingya, or Bengali as they are referred to in Myanmar, have sought refuge in Bangladesh. The majority fled after insurgent attacks on police stations and border guards, and subsequent military operations in Rakhine State, Myanmar at the end of August last year. The conditions in Bangladesh are squalid and bleak, with 90 per cent of the refugees dependent on food assistance and a considerable number living in makeshift shelters.

Bangladesh is Right to Delay the Repatriation of Rohingya Refugees

The repatriation of Rohingya refugees (referred to as Bengali in Myanmar) from Bangladesh to Myanmar was slated to begin on 23 January but has been postponed by the Bangladesh government amid concerns about the repatriation procedures and the unwillingness of the refugees to return. Beyond these, there are several issues that still need to be addressed by the Myanmar government before a safe and voluntary return can occur.

Surveillance and Control: The Encampment and Biometric Identification of Rohingya Refugees in Bangladesh

The instinctive response of the Bangladesh government to the influx of refugees is anxiety - over national security, diplomatic relations with Myanmar, domestic political stability and the economic burden of hosting so many refugees. Consequently, as this article shows, it controls and surveilles the refugees through biometric identification and encampment.

The Rohingya in Bangladesh: Another Round in the Cycle of Exodus and Repatriation?

As of 19 November, 621,199 Rohingya, referred to as Bengali in Myanmar, have joined approximately 200,000 other Rohingya in Bangladesh as refugees. This latest exodus began at the end of August, after the insurgent group, the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army, attacked police posts and the Burmese army conducted countermeasures in northern Rakhine State.

Between a Rock and a Hard Place: Rohingya Seeking Refuge in Bangladesh

The maelstrom of militant attacks, civilian reprisals and government security crackdowns in western Rakhine, Myanmar has brought about another surge of Rohingya arrivals, or Bengalis as the local population calls them, in Bangladesh. It has been reported that almost 90 000 have crossed into Bangladesh, with between 18 000 and 28 000 having been permitted entry; the rest were turned away. Some have returned to Bangladesh despite being refused entry, and/or are squatting in an area beyond the boundary guarded by Bangladesh’s Border Guard.

The Downward Spiral of Violence in Rakhine State, Myanmar

Tensions in western Rakhine State, Myanmar have escalated to a potential tipping point. This past weekend, 30 police posts and an army base were attacked by the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA), resulting in the death of more than 100 people, mostly militants. This comes on the heels of a spate of militant-initiated killings and attacks that began in October 2016, against a backdrop pf decades of state and military suppression of separatism and communal violence.

On the Rohingya, Statelessness and “Trafficking”: Separating the Fundamental from the Sensational

This article argues that the two fundamental issues of citizenship for the Rohingya in Myanmar and safe migration channels need to be addressed by Myanmar and the countries in the region. Before elaborating on this, a summary of the adversity and perils the Rohingya face in Myanmar and on their migration journey is presented. Next, the measures taken by Thailand, Malaysia and Indonesia - prosecuting the traffickers and providing temporary shelter - are considered.

Rohingya boat arrivals in Thailand: From the frying pan into the fire?

Thailand’s track record vis-a-vis boat arrivals leaves much to be desired. In previousyears, Thai authorities have intercepted boats and pushed them back out to sea. At best,they provided them with food and water. At worst, they beat the passengers and deprivedthem of provisions before setting them adrift, as documented in 2009. Many who man-aged to land on Thai shores were deported back to Myanmar after being held in detention centres.

Rohingya or Bengali? Revisiting the Politics of Labelling

The sectarian violence that erupted in Rakhine (Arakan) state in Myanmar in the middle of this year has prompted heated discussions over ethnicity, citizenship and belonging. Subsequently, in an effort to determine accurate numbers for the different communities liv-ing in Pauktaw Township in Rakhine state, a fortnight-long registration exercise was con-ducted by government authorities in November.